**The West should not have to wait for Iran to acquire a nuclear weapon—when it would be impossible to stop, which is why the regime wants one—before taking Iran’s threats seriously. **
By Majid Rafizadeh, Gatestone Institute
For anyone who has ever harbored doubts—and for those who still do—that Iran’s regime stands against humanity, peace, and the basic norms of civilization, the latest remarks from hard-line Iranian cleric Mohammad Bagher Kharrazi, who is closely tied to the current Supreme Leader, should be impossible to ignore.
“The only way to save the country… is building an atomic bomb and firing it,” Kharrazi recently declared, “no other way is left for us…. We should create a tsunami whose waves hit the American coasts.”
In the ideology of Iran’s ruling establishment, nuclear weapons are still openly contemplated not just as a deterrent but as instruments of mass destruction.
If an extremist regime acquires a nuclear weapon, the question is, what happens afterwards?
Iran’s primary target, of course, remains Israel. Iranian leaders and their proxies have long framed the Jewish state’s destruction as a religious and strategic mission, if not obligation.
Israel’s compact size, roughly the same as New Jersey (22,000 sq. km.), means that even a single nuclear weapon would cause catastrophic destruction.
Moreover, nuclear weapons capability—or the materials and know-how—could be easily transferred to proxies such as Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, or others.
These groups have already attacked civilians, shipping, and their neighboring states not even involved in a dispute.
A nuclear-armed Iranian regime, or one that arms its network, also assures a regional arms race—already begun by Saudi Arabia trying to build the infrastructure for uranium enrichment, for “peaceful purposes,” of course—at least until they are not.
US President Donald J. Trump has not treated Iran’s nuclear ambitions as an ordinary diplomatic disagreement.
He has repeated that “Iran Cannot Have a Nuclear Weapon.” A regime whose voices openly discuss building and “firing” nuclear weapons, with scenarios of tsunamis against America, cannot be trusted with such capability.
This is the language of ideological fanaticism from a theocracy that has spent nearly half a century exporting its revolution, funding terrorism, and crushing dissent at home, complete with the slaughter of “at least 42,000” of its own citizens in just two days, on January 8 and 9, 2026.
The problem is compounded by the fact that Iran’s brutal Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) regime itself remains firmly in place.
Iran’s new leadership structure has continued to elevate hard-line figures with deep IRGC backgrounds.
Under Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei, key security and military posts have been filled with veteran IRGC hardliners — the old guard of anti-American, anti-Israeli ideologues associated with the era of Qasem Soleimani.
Appointments of men such as Mohsen Rezaei to the Supreme National Security Council and Ahmad Vahidi to lead the IRGC, rather than signaling any pragmatic shift, instead point to the commitment of Iran’s current leaders to outlast Trump’s term of office.
The real question needs to be, “What happens after Trump leaves office?”
Meanwhile, repression inside Iran continues. UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk reported that at least 56 people had been executed on national-security charges since March 19, including 27 allegedly involved in the protests earlier this year.
Human rights organizations have also documented expedited trials and death sentences against protesters.
The regime’s character—Islamist, anti-Western, anti-American, and expansionist—has not changed. If Western powers are truly serious, they must work to completely eliminate Iran’s present regime.
Recent developments show the danger of permitting recovery. Iran’s army is claiming that weapons systems damaged in the 2026 war have already been “rebuilt”—either domestically or after having been imported, and with a shift toward offensive capabilities.
Satellite imagery and intelligence assessments reveal rapid reconstruction of missile bases, tunnel entrances, production facilities, and infrastructure—faster than many anticipated. Israeli officials have expressed surprise at the speed of recovery in ballistic missile capabilities.
Leaving these arsenals in place would simply make further military efforts more dangerous both for US bases and allies in the Gulf.
Any rebuilding of Iran’s military infrastructure must be disrupted; leaders driving this belligerency need to be removed from power.
Economic isolation also remains critical, as US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent has laid out, complete with universally enforced secondary sanctions.
The European Union should close remaining diplomatic and commercial channels that provide legitimacy or revenue.
The West should not have to wait for Iran to acquire a nuclear weapon—when it would be impossible to stop, which is why the regime wants one—before taking Iran’s threats seriously.
The war with the Iranian regime—to contradict those who claim it was a war of choice—is anything but that.
Iran, China, and Russia have been trying to take down Western civilization for decades. Only Trump had the vision and the determination to take on these threats.
For both US and international security, it is obligatory for the world’s leading superpower, the United States of America, to prevent Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons and to protect countless lives.
Iran’s regime must not be allowed to rebuild its military or remain in power. Every available measure needs to be pursued until the Islamic Republic of Iran is totally dismantled. For decades, half-measures have failed.
The alternative is for the West’s nuclear-capable adversaries—whose “only solution” will assuredly put the world at risk—to succeed in their mission.
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