The Elephant in the Room

“Let us have collective security or live in collective insecurity.” This is what Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi stated while offering his country’s services in mediating a ceasefire between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Houthis. He made this offer amid allegations that Iran was supporting the Houthis in the current conflict, which Tehran has categorically rejected. Ansarullah claims that the ceasefire was breached by Saudi Arabia when it strafed the airport just before an aircraft carrying its delegation, returning from the funeral prayers of Ali Khamenei, was due to land. Had the timing of the aircraft’s landing been different, the airstrike could have killed the entire delegation.

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The facts emerging from the current chaotic conditions, arising from the aggression against Iran that began with massive airstrikes on February 28, 2026, reveal the scale of the devastation. Over 11,000 military, strategic, economic and communications installations, public buildings, civilian facilities and private residences were targeted. This was an unprecedented air campaign by the USA and Israel, comparable to the bombardments during the Korean and Vietnam wars, from the early 1950s until the humiliating withdrawal of American forces in 1973. Fred M. Vinson, Chief Justice of the US Supreme Court (1946–1953), reportedly recalled that every moving object was bombarded in Korea and Vietnam.

In Korea alone, the USA dropped a total of 635,000 tons of bombs, including 32,557 tons of napalm. If all airborne ordnance, including rockets and machine-gun ammunition, is added to this tonnage, the total rises to approximately 698,000 tons. This surpasses the 503,000 tons of bombs dropped by the USA across the entire Pacific theatre during the Second World War. Although the ordnance dropped on targets in Iran may not compare with these figures, the airstrikes were precise and devastating, killing numerous Iranian civilian and military leaders and innocent citizens, including 60 young girls.

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There is little doubt that Israeli and American aircraft used the airspace and American airbases in Jordan and the Gulf states to strike Iran. These Arab countries were thus willingly involved in the devastating air campaign against Iran. Oman made it clear that it would not participate in the invasion of Iran, given its immediate proximity. Iran did not possess the military capability to target Israel without having to evade multiple defence systems, backed by large stocks of interceptors in Arab countries, before reaching targets in the attacking country. This compelled Iran to target American airbases in the Gulf states.

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The noisy protests of Arab countries over Iran’s attacks on American bases have influenced the views of our analysts, while Tehran’s anger and anguish over the partisan role of these Arab states have largely escaped their attention. Viewed from a neutral perspective, Iran was not only the victim of a joint attack by the USA and Israel but also faced the unremitting hostility of Arab countries. The longstanding differences and acrimonious relations between the Gulf states and Iran, coupled with the opportunity provided by the war to strike a blow against a perceived hostile state, led the weaker Arab states to accept Israel’s security umbrella and stand by it in the military confrontation with their adversary.

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Despite this anger and anguish, Iran has come forward with an offer to mediate between Ansarullah and Saudi Arabia. We know that the acrimony and trust deficit between Iran and the Arab states would be fully exploited by Israel to deny Tehran any opportunity to create an atmosphere of amity and trust with its Arab neighbours. What Israel wants is to prolong the war until Iran is economically devastated and politically in shambles. It has so far sabotaged all peace initiatives, including the Islamabad MoU. A weakened Iran would pave the way for Israeli dominance of the region and control over Gulf resources.

Israel is the elephant in the room. It is in the process of sabotaging the Gaza peace plan and annexing the West Bank. It has refused to withdraw its forces from southern Lebanon on the pretext of fighting Hezbollah, which is now a pale shadow of its former military strength. The Lebanese government has agreed to disarm Hezbollah elements if Israel withdraws its forces from the south and stops destabilising the process of nation-building by supporting and arming the Druze, thereby reviving frightening memories of the civil strife of 1984.

Israel wants to render all Arab states weak and dependent on its security umbrella, although Egypt and Jordan have been strong enough to protect their territorial borders against incursions by non-state actors and deal with any threats to Israeli security emanating from their territories. Israel was involved in the civil wars in Libya, Syria and Iraq. Bashar al-Assad was a bête noire for Israel and the USA. As Iran and Russia became bogged down in wars, Assad could not withstand the onslaught of militias led by Ahmed al-Sharaa, also known by his nom de guerre, Abu Muhammad al-Jolani. The USA recognised the new regime, with al-Sharaa as president, and handed over the al-Tanf airstrip to his government. President Donald Trump not only removed his name from the list of proscribed terrorists but also embraced him as the new leader of troubled Syria.

Israel has been meddling in the nation-building process undertaken by Ahmed al-Sharaa. The new regime has faced rebellious uprisings by the Druze in the south, Alawites in the west and Kurds in the northeast. Some reports suggest that Israel has been instigating ethno-sectarian tensions in these regions. It has already established a buffer zone within southern Syria, in addition to its occupation of the Golan Heights, and has refused to withdraw from it. Keeping Israel’s policy of divide and rule in view, it would not be far-fetched to believe that it has a hand in the renewed military confrontation in the Red Sea between Ansarullah and Saudi Arabia.

This tangled situation makes Iran’s proposal for collective security all the more feasible.

Ambassador M. Alam BrohiThe writer is a former member of the Foreign Service of Pakistan and has served as Ambassador for two terms. He is the author of five books.

The writer is a former member of the Foreign Service of Pakistan and has served as Ambassador for two terms. He is the author of five books.

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