Identity politics threatens constitutional vision of non-racial society

South Africa’s fragmented political landscape is being shaped by identity as ideology, raising concerns that race, ethnicity and tribal affiliation are again becoming powerful political markers.

Analysts warn that while identity politics is not unique to South Africa, its growing influence could undermine the constitutional vision of a non-racial society and deepen social divisions.

Identity politics not unique to South Africa

The concern was recently highlighted by retired judge Azhar Cachalia, head of Freedom Under Law, who warned that an “ugly brand of ethno-nationalist politics” is challenging the country’s constitutional foundations.

Speaking at the University of Cape Town recently, Cachalia said some political movements are increasingly mobilising support around ethnicity, race and cultural identity, rather than shared constitutional values.

Political analysts said the trend extends beyond South Africa and is evident across much of Africa, where voters often identify with leaders who share their ethnic, linguistic or cultural backgrounds.

While the phenomenon manifests differently across political parties, analysts Lesiba Teffo and Dirk Kotzé agree identity politics is becoming a more visible feature of South Africa’s political landscape.

Kotzé said the growth of the uMkhonto weSizwe (MK) party has less to do with conventional election dynamics and more to do with the fact that its leader, Jacob Zuma, is Zulu and that its support base is overwhelmingly Zulu.

He recalled that the party emerged amid claims of Zulu humiliation following Zuma’s conviction for contempt of court and subsequent imprisonment.

MK party growth tied to Zulu identity

“Zulus believe they are a nation and the rest of us must respect them,” Kotzé said, adding other parties also draw support through identity politics.

“What it means is that identity politics is becoming a growing trend. The Patriotic Alliance [PA] is part of it, the Freedom Front Plus [FF+] is part of it and, now, MK party is also part of it,” he said.

“More recently, Fadiel Adams and his National Coloured Congress have also entered the space.”

However, Kotzé dismissed suggestions these parties were pursuing secession, except for some “gatvol” Capetonians and elements within the National Coloured Congress in the Western Cape.

While he described the PA as part of the identity politics trend because of its appeal to coloured voters, he said the party was not advocating secession.

At present, the idea of Western Cape secession is far less prominent than it was in previous years.

PA, Freedom Front Plus and National Coloured Congress join trend

Rather than seeking independence, groups advocating regional interests appear more focused on securing greater political influence within the existing constitutional framework.

Kotzé said independence for the Western Cape or KwaZulu-Natal is unlikely to gain traction, given opposition from major political parties and the African Union’s long-standing position against altering colonial-era borders, partly out of concern that it could trigger instability and conflict.

Zuma’s political rise was previously attributed by some analysts to his strong connection with Zulu identity. Some said he was embraced not only as a political leader, but as a Zulu.

Similarly, Teffo said the United Democratic Movement (UDM) led by General Bantu Holomisa enjoys strong support among Xhosa-speaking communities, particularly in the Eastern Cape, because of Holomisa’s roots in what Teffo described as “Xhosa land”.

Traditionally viewed as a “Transkei party”, the UDM has broadened its reach across the province as voters drift away from the ANC.

Teffo said the EFF attracted strong youth support because its leader, Julius Malema, was young, radical and spoke directly to the aspirations of the youth.

EFF capitalised on unemployment and marginalised youth

He said the party had capitalised politically on unemployment and marginalised youth.

Although the ANC embraces non-racialism and opposes tribalism, some critics viewed it during the Nelson Mandela and Thabo Mbeki administrations as being dominated by Xhosa-speaking leaders, with some commentators referring to the phenomenon as “Xhosa nostra”.

Under Zuma, however, the focus was said to shift towards Zulu nationalism, with many Inkatha Freedom Party supporters reportedly switching allegiance to the ANC in support of him.

The DA, meanwhile, is often perceived as a white-led party focused on the interests of wealthy South Africans and big business.

Teffo agreed with Kotzé that the phenomenon is not unique to South Africa, but is evident across the African continent.

In many African countries, political leaders are elected as much for who they are and the ethnic groups they represent, as for their policies.

Appeals to ethnicity common in African election campaigns

According to Teffo, appeals to ethnicity remain a common feature of election campaigns in Africa.

Observers often point out that in Zimbabwe, aside from allegations of electoral manipulation, Zanu-PF has maintained its dominance, in part through support from the country’s Shona-speaking majority.