EXPERT: Sifuna’s options if he wins presidency with less MPs

Political Commentator Samuel OwidaIf Edwin Sifuna wins the presidency in 2027 while his party lacks a working majority in the National Assembly and the Senate, he could still govern, but only by turning the presidency into a negotiating office rather than a command centre.

Parliament controls legislation, budget approval and oversight, so a president without numbers must build durable and sustainable coalitions.

Sifuna’s first option would be a formal post-election coalition agreement with parties commanding numbers of Members of the National Assembly and Senators.

This would involve a written agreement covering Cabinet positions, parliamentary leadership roles, committee chairs and a shared legislative programme.

His new political vehicle, The Equitable Party, gives him leverage in coalition talks because he can bring presidential legitimacy and a national platform to the table.

The risk is that coalition partners could demand costly concessions or threaten to withdraw and put challenges to his governance on a daily basis.

He would therefore need clear dispute-resolution rules, regular coalition councils, and a public agenda that makes defection politically expensive.

A second route for Siguna is to assemble a flexible majority around specific bills rather than one rigid alliance and get away with it.

Sifuna could negotiate separately with regional parties, independents, and MPs from rival formations on priorities such as cost of living, youth employment, devolution funding, healthcare, and electoral reform.

Sifuna would need flexibility. This works best when Sifuna’s office would offer visible benefits funded constituency projects, appointments, and policy wins without appearing to buy votes.

In the event parties associated with Kalonzo Musyoka, Rigathi Gachagua or Fred Matiang’i hold substantial parliamentary numbers, Sifuna could pursue a grand bargain: support for his legislative agenda in exchange for institutional reforms, power-sharing in key committees, or agreement on a successor arrangement.

Such an arrangement could shape legislation, spending and the balance of power even if Sifuna won the presidency.

The strategy would prevent gridlocks if he would credible power-sharing deals and convert rivals into legislative partners.

Lastly Sifuna could use the presidency’s communication power to mobilise citizens behind his agenda.

Town hall engagements, clear legislative priorities, and pressure on MPs through public opinion could make obstruction costly and open way through.

Sifuna’s political youth-driven appeal and mobilisation through Linda Mwananchi Movement, could become a source of sustained public leverage for his governance.

The political commentator spoke to the Star

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