The upcoming German election pits two very similar power camps against each other, with one of them thriving on elite panic
Recently, a middle-aged man on an e-bike was passing me on the sidewalk. Out of nowhere, he swerved, kicked me in the shin, shouted “Leftist pig!” and sped off. An elderly woman with a walker asked me, visibly shaken, if I knew him. I said no, just as alarmed as she was.
A little later, a woman was handing out SPD balloons between market stalls and a stage in the town center. I listed the cruelties her party in Berlin is currently shoving down the throats of workers. She squeezed out the word “constraints,” pointed to the CDU, and brushed me off. The DGB trade union federation has also apparently awakened from its coma. A Verdi trade union member was recruiting members and babbling about “solidarity.” I asked him whether he meant that “social partnership between capital and labor” that has never actually existed. He looked at me in confusion and said this was all about the AfD. When I replied that the AfD also just wants to enforce capital’s interests through law, just as the SPD does in government, he quickly cut the conversation short. He had no interest in leaving his parallel world.
The closer the state election gets, the more madness spreads in Saxony-Anhalt. The SPD presents itself as a “workers’ party” while throwing workers’ rights in the trash. The Greens pose as protectors of homosexuals while beating the war drum loudest for war against Russia. The CDU waxes lyrical about tried and tested traditions while implementing one AfD demand after another. The still-governing FDP markets the leftovers of its neoliberal fairy tale about the “trickle-down effect.” Helplessly, The Left wobbles back and forth because it does not want to miss out on bourgeois respectability – a sorry spectacle.
Read more
Germany is heading for a revolt at the ballot box
That means the AfD doesn’t have to do much more than counter this madness with a parallel world of its own. Its lead candidate, Ulrich Siegmund, smiles into many cameras. Before his supporters, he even rhapsodizes about the GDR, which he never experienced himself, while his party constantly accuses The Left of socialism and being the Stasi the moment it so much as utters the word “social.” Siegmund moves from talk show to talk show, complaining about exclusion, even though right now nothing is more omnipresent than his party.
One could laugh at how the ‘bourgeois center’ and its media keep boosting the AfD with all their fuss. The panic does seem genuine; more than a few public employees probably quite rightly fear that they will soon be “cleaned out” politically, to borrow the words of one AfD campaigner I met. Better not to mention that under CDU rule this has long been happening quietly already. Only now the circle of those purged could grow, and posts and mandates are at risk of collapsing. Once again, it is mainly about money and status.
In their own reality, the bourgeois center sees itself as the representative of “democracy” in a struggle against “anti-democrats.” This is nonsense, of course, because the AfD also wants to pour its system-supporting demands into laws. That is as democratic as things in the Federal Republic have always been. Its mix of nationalism, authoritarianism, chauvinism, neoliberal economic policy, and sanctimonious moralizing is simply distributed a little differently and expressed more bluntly than by the “old parties.”
Neither mainstream nor alternative media like to talk about how much less the AfD’s program differs from the CDU’s than many assume. One striking example sounds as if copied directly from one of the Christian Democratic parties: the AfD wants to “give special support to Christianity” – in the very federal state with the lowest proportion of church members, at not even 14%.
Like the CDU, the AfD demands unpaid compulsory work for asylum seekers. But in parts of Saxony-Anhalt, this already exists. Municipalities happily replace regularly paid jobs, for example in park maintenance, with unpaid labor from refugees and the unemployed. It also wants Ukrainians no longer to be recognized as war refugees, fully aware that the CDU has already pushed this through the EU and that those sent back will be forced by Ukraine to the front against Russia. That fits its supposedly anti-war line just as badly as its demands – entirely compatible with the ‘old parties’ – for more rearmament, more military industry, and more simplified weapons exports across the world.
In May, for example, the AfD voted together with the CDU in the town council of Sangerhausen, a small town in Saxony-Anhalt, in favor of bringing in the Israeli arms company Elbit Systems – genocide in Palestine and possible business with Ukraine notwithstanding. None of that concerns us in Germany at all, Hans-Thomas Tillschneider admitted openly in an interview with Compact magazine. The only things that mattered were the 400 promised jobs and extra tax revenue. What he did not say: he means the taxes paid by workers, which in any case only flow to the federal level, because the AfD would prefer to cut corporate taxes.
Read more
Berlin’s latest Russia panic is reckless even by its own standards
On taxes, Siegmund’s party appears to have borrowed heavily from American tech oligarchs. It even wants to “examine special economic zones in Saxony-Anhalt.” That means areas where corporations pay little or no tax and where normal labor rights for employees would no longer apply. Under current law, this is not enforceable. But laws, of course, can be changed later.
Special economic zones are a fetish of so-called market libertarians – neoliberal extremists like tech billionaires Elon Musk and Peter Thiel. And who would have thought it: in the CDU-linked Konrad Adenauer Foundation, such market-radical fantasies are highly popular as well. There, common ground is easy to find.
On many issues, the AfD merely goes a little further than the governing parties in Saxony-Anhalt – the CDU, SPD, and FDP. It wants to force teachers and public servants into patriotic declarations, arm the police even more heavily than they already are, and largely prevent investigations into officers even after deadly use of firearms. The executive branch is to become an untouchable authority, which in reality it already almost is – no surprise when the police investigate themselves.
The AfD also calls for a ‘voluntary citizens’ guard,’ meaning a private vigilante force supported by municipalities. Such a force could, for instance, help the police ‘catch’ student councils, which the AfD wants to ban, or “put Antifa back in its place.” It wants to classify the latter as a terrorist organization – greetings from US President Trump. Since there is no actual group by that exact name, any number of political dissidents could then be branded with the label. How convenient. This fits its desire for prison sentences for anyone who “disparages Germany.” That, too, is almost infinitely open to interpretation.
The conclusion is obvious: for both sides, freedom of expression means above all freedom for their own opinions and suppression of those who think differently. The two camps are not actually that far apart.
Read more
German establishment figures call for ban on country’s most popular party
So much for the claim that the AfD is less neoliberal than the CDU, Greens, SPD, or FDP. This is entirely compatible with an authoritarian state, as we can already observe in part. Wealthy industrial donors likely want exactly that. The AfD already has plenty of such backing: last year, in large donations above €35,000, it came in second place directly behind the CDU, with nearly €5.15 million in income, while the CDU collected €6.35 million. That figure does not include all smaller donations.
The AfD received its largest donation from Henning Conle, a German-Swiss real estate shark who has heavily financed the party since its founding, up until 2021 together with the now-deceased billionaire August von Finck Jr. Millions flowed into the AfD’s coffers over the years, often more or less covertly via shell companies, think tanks, and advertising agencies. Not that things are so very different with the ‘old parties’, they are just better at not getting caught.
Such huge sums from circles of capital, intended to enable a party’s rise, do not really fit the myth of some kind of fundamental opposition on behalf of the ‘little people’. Whoever gives that much is pursuing something that certainly does not lie in the interest of the majority. In that respect, it is no different from the other parties.
And yet the story of the one and only true opposition party stubbornly persists. That is due above all to the scaremongering of the self-appointed ‘true democrats’ in politics and the media. For Saxony-Anhalt’s AfD lead candidate himself likes to blurt out what they do not want to hear. Recently podcaster Benjamin Berndt asked him about the Potsdam ‘remigration meeting’, which some media outlets inflated into a new Wannsee Conference.
Siegmund laughed it off: it had merely been one of many meetings with cadres from various parties, including the CDU, and influential business figures. That, he said, is how the AfD forges “networks” with the economy and other political factions – and collects donations at the same time.
In saying this, he spoke aloud what anyone in Saxony-Anhalt who wants to know it knows. It immediately reminded me of 2017: in Oebisfelde, a small town near Magdeburg, the AfD invited people to an election event disguised as a “citizens’ regulars’ table.” Volkssolidarität provided the hall, there were free drinks, complimentary snacks, and a podium. Sitting on that podium were not only AfD members, but influential businessmen and CDU and FDP politicians who – to everyone’s amazement – openly campaigned for voting AfD and boasted of their donations to it. There was no sign of exclusion even back then, nine years ago – and nothing has changed since.
The AfD regularly stages such meetings in eastern Germany. Any journalist on the ground could have found that out. But the press prefers to feign outrage over isolated incidents. Thus, for example, the regional news outlet Volksstimme blathered in 2022 about a “secret meeting” and sanctimoniously asked: “Were the CDU and AfD in Saxony-Anhalt making common cause?” More recently, the Tagesspiegel cooked up a new scandal: a CDU politician had donated €10,000 euros to the AfD. Well, fancy that?
Read more
Merz lays into Germany’s most popular party ahead of regional vote
This ‘business as usual’ is probably rather embarrassing even to the self-proclaimed ‘center democrats’ themselves. In reality, they have been colluding with the AfD so actively for so long that even the Left, sitting at the children’s table, can no longer fail to notice it. Yet the Left is just as eager to flee from the truth and courts the CDU in a manner as embarrassing as it is futile, hoping that it will finally tear down the only truly existing firewall it has – the one against the Left.
Anyone who refuses to pick a side can only feel like a misplaced extra in the midst of a mad shadow-fight between two camps, each trapped in its own parallel reality: two camps that inflate tiny differences, spread panic, talk nonsense, blank out reality, deceive workers, make the poor poorer (or want to), and stir up the aggression already visible on the streets.
All Siegmund has to do is show up, smiling, and churn out culture-war phrases about banning gender asterisks, “leftist terrorists,” and compulsory German flags – all of which explains neither how people are supposed to pay tomorrow’s rent with money they do not have, nor how their lives are to improve. But then, the others do not explain that either.
The frustration in the German state with the highest average age was thus inevitable. And Siegmund apparently sees it coming. In the above-mentioned podcast, among other things, he tries to prepare for it accordingly: he stressed that he could not change very much very quickly because the CDU had left him with a pile of shattered glass. Naturally – voters have to be kept on the hook for longer than a single election campaign.
The pile of broken shards is real. And Siegmund knows, just like the “old parties,” that a harder-edged CDU policy will not improve the lives of the majority. But whoever wants to administer the system had better not talk about the system’s causes. In inventing problems to distract from the real ones, they all outdo one another. In Saxony-Anhalt, capital is merely rehearsing a test run – with new protagonists.
This article was first published by RT DE, and translated and edited by RT.com
